The
German
Empire
may
feel
at
bottom
the
loss
of
an
old
accomplice
always
amenable
to
the
confidential
whispers
of
a
bargain;
but
in
the
first
instance
it
cannot
but
rejoice
at
the
fundamental
weakening
of
a
possible
obstacle
to
its
instincts
of
territorial
expansion.
There
is
a
removal
of
that
latent
feeling
of
restraint
which
the
presence
of
a
powerful
neighbour,
however
implicated
with
you
in
a
sense
of
common
guilt,
is
bound
to
inspire.
The
common
guilt
of
the
two
Empires
is
defined
precisely
by
their
frontier
line
running
through
the
Polish
provinces.
Without
indulging
in
excessive
feelings
of
indignation
at
that
country鈥檚
partition,
or
going
so
far
as
to
believe
鈥
with
a
late
French
politician
鈥
in
the
immanente
justice
des
choses,鈥
it
is
clear
that
a
material
situation,
based
upon
an
essentially
immoral
transaction,
contains
the
germ
of
fatal
differences
in
the
temperament
of
the
two
partners
in
iniquity
鈥
whatever
the
iniquity
is.
Germany
has
been
the
evil
counsellor
of
Russia
on
all
the
questions
of
her
Polish
problem.
Always
urging
the
adoption
of
the
most
repressive
measures
with
a
perfectly
logical
duplicity,
Prince
Bismarck鈥檚
Empire
has
taken
care
to
couple
the
neighbourly
offers
of
military
assistance
with
merciless
advice.
The
thought
of
the
Polish
provinces
accepting
a
frank
reconciliation
with
a
humanised
Russia
and
bringing
the
weight
of
homogeneous
loyalty
within
a
few
miles
of
Berlin,
has
been
always
intensely
distasteful
to
the
arrogant
Germanising
tendencies
of
the
other
partner
in
iniquity.
And,
besides,
the
way
to
the
Baltic
provinces
leads
over
the
Niemen
and
over
the
Vistula.
Against
the
menace
of
such
a
specially
dangerous
situation
the
paper
and
ink
of
public
Treaties
cannot
be
an
effective
defence.
Nothing
but
the
actual,
living,
active
participation
of
the
two
Western
Powers
in
the
establishment
of
the
new
Polish
commonwealth,
and
in
the
first
twenty
years
of
its
existence,
will
give
the
Poles
a
sufficient
guarantee
of
security
in
the
work
of
restoring
their
national
life.

In
the
face
of
the
events
of
the
last
four
months,
this
word
has
sprung
instinctively,
as
it
were,
on
grave
lips,
and
has
been
heard
with
solemn
forebodings.
More
or
less
consciously,
Europe
is
preparing
herself
for
a
spectacle
of
much
violence
and
perhaps
of
an
inspiring
nobility
of
greatness.
And
there
will
be
nothing
of
what
she
expects.
She
will
see
neither
the
anticipated
character
of
the
violence,
nor
yet
any
signs
of
generous
greatness.
Her
expectations,
more
or
less
vaguely
expressed,
give
the
measure
of
her
ignorance
of
that
n茅ant
which
for
so
many
years
had
remained
hidden
behind
this
phantom
of
invincible
armies.
But
it
would
have
been
too
much
to
have
expected
me
to
treat
all
this
matter
as
removable
rubbish.
All
those
things
had
a
place
in
my
life.
Whether
any
of
them
deserve
to
have
been
picked
up
and
ranged
on
the
shelf
鈥
this
shelf
鈥
I
cannot
say,
and,
frankly,
I
have
not
allowed
my
mind
to
dwell
on
the
question.
I
was
afraid
of
thinking
myself
into
a
mood
that
would
hurt
my
feelings;
for
those
pieces
of
writing,
whatever
may
be
the
comment
on
their
display,
appertain
to
the
character
of
the
man.